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BU LX 522 - Syntax I

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CAS LX 522 Syntax IPreviously, in LX522…Slide 3It is likely…Slide 5Slide 6Slide 7Slide 8Slide 9Slide 10Slide 11Slide 12Slide 13Slide 14Slide 15PassiveSlide 17Slide 18Slide 19ActiveSlide 21Slide 22Slide 23Slide 24Slide 25Not the passiveSlide 27Slide 28Slide 29Nagging questionsCaseEnglish pronouns and caseSlide 33In the spirit of global unity…Slide 35Slide 36Slide 37Case vs. q-rolesSlide 39Case TheorySlide 41Privileged positionsLicensingAccreditation revokedBack to raising…Slide 46Slide 47Slide 48Back to passives…Slide 50Active again…Slide 52Passive again…Slide 54Flavors of intransitives…UnaccusativesUnaccusatives vs. unergativesSlide 58Bill fellRevisiting VSO order in IrishA VP-internal subject?Slide 62Slide 63Slide 64GovernmentSlide 66Slide 67Slide 68Slide 69Slide 70Slide 71Slide 72Slide 73Slide 74q-role assignmentSlide 76Small clausesSlide 78Slide 79Slide 80Slide 81Slide 82Genitive CaseSlide 84Slide 85Let’s regroupSlide 87Slide 88Slide 89The Y modelFor next time:Week 6. NP/DP movementand CaseCAS LX 522Syntax IPreviously, in LX522…•Last time, we looked at the phenomenon of head-movement.•Recall, for example, French, which moves V up to T as shown here.•At DS, the verb heads the VP, and by SS, the verb has moved to head-adjoin to T.•This was proposed in order to account for word order facts.tiVVPPPTTPDPmangeVAdvPSSTTVi[PRES]Previously, in LX522…•Today, we’re going to look at another kind of movement, the movement of DPs.•In many respects, the idea is similar—a DP will originate in one place in the DS and will appear in a different place in the SS.tiVVPPPTTPDPmangeVAdvPSSTTVi[PRES]It is likely…•Let’s think back to the case of It is likely that Mary left from a couple of weeks ago.•Likely has one -role to assign (Proposition) which it assigns to its complement, the embedded CP.•Consider leave in the embedded clause. Leave also has one -role to assign, which it assigns to Mary.AdjlikelyAdjAdjPCCPCthatTPMary leftVbeVVPT[pres]TTPDSIt is likely…•Notice that both -roles are assigned to things that are in the same clause as the predicate that assigns the -role.•This is a general property of -role assignment:•A -role must be assigned locally (within the same clause).AdjlikelyAdjAdjPCCPCthatTPMary leftVbeVVPT[pres]TTPDSIt is likely…•Moving to SS…•Because the EPP requires SpecTP to be filled, Expletive Insertion applies, inserting it into SpecTP, resulting in this SS representation.•This is the story ofIt is likely that Mary left. AdjlikelyAdjAdjPCCPCthatTPMary lefttiVVPVi+TisTTPDDPDitSSIt is likely…•Now, consider:–Mary is likely [to leave].•We already know a lot about this sentence; we know that likely has one  -role to assign, which it assigns to the embedded clause, we know that leave has one -role to assign, which it assigns to Mary.•There are two problems here:–The embedded clause has no subject (*EPP)–The -role assigned to Mary seems to be assigned outside of its clause.It is likely…–Mary is likely [to leave]•Concerning -roles, it’s clear from the meaning that leave really does assign its -role to Mary and not likely (Mary is leaving—she’s isn’t in any way likely).•This is definitely not local—Mary is not in the same clause as leave.It is likely…–Mary is likely [to leave]•And with respect to the EPP, we see that although the main clause TP has something in its specifier (Mary), the embedded clause seems to have nothing.•How can we reconcile this?It is likely…–Mary is likely [to leave]•For -role assignment to be local, Mary has to be in the same clause. -role assignment takes place at DS, after which movement rules (like head-movement from last time) apply. We can solve both problems at once by supposing that Mary moves from the embedded subject position at DS to the main clause subject position at SS. –DS: — is likely [Mary to leave]–SS: Maryi is likely [ ti to leave]It is likely…•That is, we start out with Mary in the embedded clause, in the specifier of TP, receiving its -role locally.AdjlikelyAdjAdjPCCPCØDPMaryVbeVVPT[pres]TTPDSVPTtoTTPleaveIt is likely…•That is, we start out with Mary in the embedded clause, in the specifier of TP, receiving its -role locally.•Then Mary moves up to SpecTP in the main clause by SS.AdjlikelyAdjAdjPCCPCØDPiMarytjVVPVj+TisTTPSSVPTtoTTPleavetiIt is likely…•Notice that this satisfies the EPP in both clauses. The main clause has Mary in SpecTP. The embedded clause has the trace in SpecTP.AdjlikelyAdjAdjPCCPCØDPiMarytjVVPVj+TisTTPSSVPTtoTTPleavetiIt is likely…•This type of movement is called DP-movement.•This specific instance of DP-movement, where we move a subject from an embedded clause to a higher clause is generally called subject raising.AdjlikelyAdjAdjPCCPCØDPiMarytjVVPVj+TisTTPSSVPTtoTTPleavetiIt is likely…•Historical idiosyncrasy: Because a lot of terminology was established before the DP had been “discovered,” people often still, out of habit, refer to this kind of movement as NP-movement rather than DP-movement. These are not different things: People who say NP-movement generally mean DP-movement.AdjlikelyAdjAdjPCCPCØDPiMarytjVVPVj+TisTTPSSVPTtoTTPleavetiPassive•Now, recall the passive. The passive form of a verb seems to directly affect the theta grid of a verb; consider:–Bill ate the sandwich.–The sandwich was eaten.•Eat has two -roles to assign. By putting it in the passive, we seem to have transitive (two -role) verb into an intransitive (one -role) verb.Passive–Bill ate the sandwich.•Here, Bill is the Agent (gets the -role including Agent) and the sandwich is the Theme (gets the  -role including Theme).–The sandwich was eaten (by Bill).•In the passive, the roles are the same but now the Theme is the subject and the Agent is in an optional by-phrase (a PP).Passive•Since optional thematic relations do not get included in the -grid, what we conclude about the passive is that it changes the -grid of the verb by removing the external -role.eatAgent Themei jeat+enAgent Themei jPassive•Now, what does the structure of a passive sentence look like?•There are two possibilities we could entertain.–The Theme in the passive becomes an external


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