Linguistics 696bFall ’09HammondTBA day #2A. Overview(1) Outline:a. Turn in draftb. Questions from last timec. Syntax and stressd. OT issuesB. Syntax and stress(2) Speakers manipulate stresses to conform to rhythmic alternation:a. The big p`ern´ew escaped.b. Save the p´ern`ew quickly.(3) Doublets:r´ecord vs. rec´ord,s´urv`ey vs. surv´ey,p´erm`ıt vs. p`erm´ıt,c´onv`ıct vs. conv´ıct,etc.(4) There’s experimental and corpus evidence for nouns wanting to be trochaic andverbs wanting to be iambic too.(5) Thek´ıssed the girl.The b´oy the girl.(6) How frequent are those stress configurations (Kelly and Bock, 1988)? Can thoseconfigurations arise from inflection as well?(7) Disyllabic verbs are far more likely to get a syllabic inflection than disyllabic nouns.(8) Words ending in [t] or [d] are more like to have stress doublets like p´erm`ıt vs.p`erm´ıt.1(9) Experiment #2:The birds vonlort.The bird vonlorts.The bird vonlorted.The bird’s vonlorting.(10) Results: more iambic stress with syllabic inflections.(11) Experiment #3:The sled rostorded.The sled’s rostording.The sled rostorned.The sled’s rostording.(12) Results: pseudoverbs ending in [t,d] are more likely to receive iambic stress. (Thisis at odds with the fact that [t,d] are not necessarily moraic generally!)(13) There’s a connection between stress and affixation, but is it causal? If so, whichway does it go?C. OT issues(14) [r] is deleted or epenthesized in near complementary environments:a. The spa[r] is broken (spa/spar).b. The spa seems broken (spa/spar).(15) [r] is not inserted or deleted morpheme-internally or before level 1 suffixes: Aida,algebraic vs. Homeric.(16) A schwa is inserted between a glide and a liquid syllable finally, e.g. file [fay@l],flour [flaw@r].(17) This does not happen before a level 1 suffix, e.g. Gaelic [geylIk], polar [powl@r],etc.(18) This happens even if the consonant is subsequently deleted, e.g. fear Ann [fiy@ræn]vs. fear Dan [fiy@dæn], etc.(19) CODA-COND: prohibits [r] in coda position, unless it is also in onset position.(20) FINAL-C: a prosodic word cannot end in a short vowel.2(21) The OT analysis needs an r-insertion rule because the default consonant isn’t [r].Do we really need this? The $64,000 question: why is [r] inserted?(22) The problem: /fijr/ −→ [fij@],∗[fij]. This looks like rule ordering.(23) OT analogs: turbidity, sympathy, harmonic serialism, etc.(24) Hypercorrection in terms of the Elsewhere Condition. This gets the ordering, butdoes not get the generalization that the intrusive consonant needs to be [r].D. ReferencesHalle, Morris, and William J. Idsardi. 1997. r, hypercorrection, and the Elsewhere Con-dition. In Derivations and constraints in phonology, ed. I. Roca, 331–348. Oxford:Clarendon Press.Kelly, Michael H. 1988. Rhythmic alternation and lexical stress differences in English.Cognition 30:107–137.Kelly, Michael H., and J. K. Bock. 1988. Stress in time. Journal of Experimental Psychol-ogy: Human Perception and Performance 14:389–403.McCarthy, John. 1991. Synchronic rule inversion. BLS 17:192–207.McCarthy, John. 1993. A case of surface constraint violation. Canadian Journal of Lin-guistics