3.6Oaxaca Barrio- Initial founders from Oaxaca- Later immigrants from Oaxaca and Oaxaca colonies elsewhere- Children moving around a great deal (with mother)- Ex. 409 – born in Teo, moved to Oaxaca, then returned- Possible explanation – taking the kids home to visit the grandparents; cultural connection- 80 percent of burial population are immigrants, or born in Teo but spent part of childhood elsewhere- Continued interaction with Oaxaca and Oaxaca colonies elsewhere- Women moving across Mesoamerica with children- Women link to homeland- Women maintaining the ethnic identityMerchant’s Barrio- In a good neighborhood- Upper-middle to upper class area; well off neighborhood- Lived in clusters of circular houses- Maintain Gulf Coast architectural traditions- Distinct cuisine (no tortillas)- About 900 people in this neighborhood; sample of 29 burials analyzed- Mostly immigrants, over half (67%), who lived there long termo All but one of the immigrants were men (in sample)o Women were not usually immigrants from the Gulf Coast, were usually localo Here, the men were the carriers of the ethnic identity because they were a different cultureo No evidence for children visiting from homelando Men moving around Mesoamerica in this caseWhy does Merchant’s Barrio have a different immigration pattern from the Oaxaca Barrio?- Merchant’s Barrio citizens may have been trying to maintain their cultural identity; there were not interested in mixing their culture with localsTeotihuacan: Bone Isotope Summary- Confirm Teotihuacan was a huge, multi-ethnic pilgrimage center- Reveal surprising amount of pre-Hispanic movement, migration (not known from traditional archaeological evidence)- Reveal new types of cultural contact (ex. you can’t see intermarriage with traditionalevidence)- Different ethnic patterns of migration- Transformed our view of Mesoamerican prehistoryHow do deathways relate to social differences?- Differences in treatment of dead express important social differencesReconstructing Sociopolitical Structure- (Thomas 1989 article)- Archaeologists divide pre-state societies into two categories:o Positions of leadership are open to all Egalitarian (bands, tribes) – anyone has the opportunity or potential to become a leader in that society Leadership is based on achievement or accomplishment Achieved status Everyone is equal at birth (as far as the shot at being leader)o Positions of leadership are restricted Inegalitarian (rank, chiefdoms) – not everyone has the opportunity to become a social leader Leadership is restricted based on genealogy  Ascribed status (born into) Some are privileged at birth- Burial treatment:o Achieved status High status treatment is limited to some adults (not all adults get high status treatment, but those that do are only adults)o Ascribed status High status treatment limited but includes some infants, children, and adults High status treatment cross-cuts age lines- Ex. Moundville Chiefdom (Alabama)o High status treatment at burial: Burial in or near mound was considered a high-status burial Buried with copper items (copper was highly valued and rare because it had to be imported) Effigy vessels, probably used in ritual activities Southern Cult items (pottery, shell, bone, metal that are carved with particular types of symbols) Gorgetso Some infants and children were buried with high status treatment in Moundville; shows that it was an ascribed status communityo The individuals buried in the center of the mound were buried with copper axes, which marks achieved status within ascribed status (as they were all adults)o Commoners – adult burials have more low value grave goods than children, infants (getting more goods is something you achieved during your life)o Deathways express the social pyramidSocial Memory- What impressions and emotions do people “take away” from the funeral?- How do these reinforce social values and