The constraints on minority housing choices, New York City 1978-1987.by Emily RosenbaumThis study uses a multivariate analysis to evaluate the housing and neighborhood characteristics that predict the residential choices made by non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic black, Puerto Rican, and other Hispanic mover households in New York City from 1978 to 1987. This study evaluates minority housing choices in a multigroup context, rather than in a two-group context that implicitly assumes that minority groups compete for housing with only whites. After the influence of household characteristics is controlled, the results show that indicators of low-quality housing and poor neighborhood conditions significantly increase the likelihood that the household that moves in is a minority one, most likely Puerto Rican. Moreover, location in an area dominated by a particular minority group significantly increases the chance that the housing unit is occupied by a household belonging to that same group. By constraining minority housing choices, housing market segmentation effectively predetermines the types of housing units and neighborhoods that are available to different groups, and thus maintains racially and ethnically separate neighborhoods.© COPYRIGHT University of North Carolina Press 1994Extreme levels of racial segregation have long characterized many American cities, despite two important developments: the growth of a black middle class with the income to facilitate residential mobility and increasing support by whites for racial integration (Massey & Denton 1993). Ecological analyses have shown that the separation of whites and blacks has been maintained by the near-inevitability of complete racial turnover following black entry into formerly white neighborhoods (Duncan & Duncan 1957; Massey & Mullan 1984; Taeuber & Taeuber 1965), even though initial black in-movers are of a status at least equal to that of resident whites (Long & Spain 1978). The enduring white reluctance to live near blacks has created a segmented housing market, in which the collective actions of neighborhood residents and institutional agents (such as real estate agents) operate to constrain black residential choices to areas that are more ethnically diverse, less prosperous, and of lower quality than those to which whites move. For instance, housing market audit studies conducted over the past two decades have documented the existence of racial steering and discriminatory treatment of minority home-seekers by real estate agents (Newburger 1984; Pearce 1979; Turner & Wienk 1993; Wienk et al. 1979; Yinger 1991). Discrimination has been linked empirically to continued racial segregation (Galster 1986) and may also explain the variety of racial housing inequalities that remain after controlling for socioeconomic status. Among such inequalities are blacks’ relative inability (when compared to whites, Asians, and Hispanics) to convert income and status gains into improved housing and neighborhoods (Massey & Denton 1985; Massey & Fong 1990; Massey & Gross 1991; Villemez 1980), the increased likelihood of black, versus white, turnover in rundown housing units located in deteriorated central city neighborhoods (Marullo 1982, 1985), and racial disparities in ownership and housing quality (Alba & Logan 1993; Bianchi, Farley & Spain 1982; Jackman & Jackman 1980; Wilson 1979). Thus, evidence indicates that market constraints not only sustain racial separation at the aggregate level, but may also serve to reduce blacks’ housing consumption relative to that of other groups.With the exception of Puerto Ricans, Hispanic segregation from whites is moderate and largely explained by differences in socioeconomic status and nativity (Bean & Tienda 1987; Denton & Massey 1988; Massey & Denton 1987). While white/Hispanic segregation during the 1960s appeared to be largely due to ethnic preferences for seclusion, increasing isolation during the 1970s, a decade of rapid immigration and economic stagnation, indicates the rising importance of involuntary factors (Bean & Tienda 1987). Such a conclusion is buttressed by evidence of discriminatory treatment of home-seeking Hispanics by real estate agents (Garza 1983; James & Tynan 1986; Turner & Wienk 1993; Yinger 1991). Furthermore, the finding that Hispanics are less likely than statistically comparable Anglos to own their own homes (Alba & Logan 1993; Krivo 1986) suggests that market segmentation may adversely affect Hispanics’ housing consumption as well as that of blacks.Compared to other Hispanic groups, Puerto Ricans exhibit a unique residential pattern: isolation from whites and proximity to blacks (Bean & Tienda 1987; Massey & Bitterman 1985; Rosenberg & Lake 1976). This pattern is attributed to very low socioeconomic status (which hinders relocation to higher status white neighborhoods) and black racial ancestry (which draws Puerto Ricans toward residence near or within black neighborhoods); since whites avoid black areas, Puerto Ricans become passive or "bystander" victims of white prejudice (Massey & Bitterman 1985). Moreover, the finding that black race increases the chance that Hispanics encounter inadequate treatment by real estate agents (Yinger 1991) Social Forces March 1994 v72 n3 p725(23) Page 1- Reprinted with permission. Additional copying is prohibited. -G A L E G R O U PInformation IntegrityThe constraints on minority housing choices, New York City 1978-1987.underscores the problems Puerto Ricans may encounter when seeking new housing. Indeed, among all Hispanic subgroups, Puerto Ricans are least likely to own their homes (Alba & Logan 1993; Krivo 1986).In this study I examine the constraints on minority housing options within a multiethnic context. While overwhelming evidence points to continuing discrimination in the housing market as the crucial factor maintaining segregation at the aggregate level, this analysis uses individual-level data to focus on the types of housing units chosen by recently moved households who differ in race/ethnicity. Specifically, by identifying the predictors of in-movement by non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic black, Puerto Rican, and other Hispanic(1) households in New York City, I show that constraints in the urban housing market effectively predetermine the types of housing opportunities available to blacks and Hispanics, and thus serve to isolate whites from minorities and to contribute to racial/ethnic disparities in housing