Notes on Political Structures and Outcomes Readings11/29/07“Required” readings are 1, 2, 4, 6. Within the longer required readings, I suggest you focus on the material that I have put a # next to. I have tried to orient you to what I think the main points are.If you are doing reading notes, please remember that I have never required you to write more than 100 words about an article, and if you are choosing to write 3-page summaries of each article, that is your own choice, not my requirement.1. * GJ 315-317 includes a definition of "abeyance" AND GJ 347-9, explains radical flank effects and other issues regarding outcomes. (very short). These are important concepts which we should discuss.2. * GJ30. William A. Gamson. Defining Movement 'Success' (From The Strategy Of Social Protest): (very short)Acceptance vs new advantages as two different dimensions of “success”Discussion of how to tell when a challenge has “ended”: it ceases to exist, it ceases activity, or it is accepted as legitimate.3. GJ31,. Edwin Amenta, Kathleen Dunleavy, And Mary Bernstein. The Case Of Huey Long And The New Deal (From “Stolen Thunder? Huey Long's Share Our Wealth, Political Mediation, And The Second New Deal”) Uses Gamson's categories to discuss the success of a particular movement.Sketches the history of Share Our Wealth. It was part of a neopopulist insurgency and was viewed as politically dangerous. Argues that focus should be on new advantages, butalso on whether the group itself wins those advantages. Argues for political mediation theory: challengers must be strong and engage in political action, but must also have favorable political circumstances. # P. 358 lists a variety of political contexts that support or hinder movements. Discussionof the problem of attribution of effect of a movement that does not gain acceptance but does seem to win some concessions. Essentially concludes that the movement had some influence on the shaping of federal policies. Detailed discussion of the political context argues that Long represented a political threat to the Democrats due to the closeness of the electoral race. Argues for looking in more detail to examine movement impacts. Alsonotes that the government chose which demands to implement and which to ignore.4.* Meyers, Chapter 7 “The State and Protests” This chapter is about “outcomes” as theyare generally understood by others.After opening with two examples from an environmental protest and nuclear energy campaign (123-5), poses the problem of institutionalization (125 ff). Movements neither won nor lost, but some of their concerns were addressed and their issues became part of normal protest: institutionalization.# Mechanisms of institutionalization. (126-129)Consultation: meet with people, listen to concerns.A platform for claims-making.More permanent changes: venues for consultation, formal adoption of concerns, even personnel.Formal inclusion in a process.Funding for programs.Changes in norms and values in larger society.# Movements have to decide how to respond to these partial victories. NOTE: Meyer Defines “cooptation” on p. 130 as “change political location from the outside . . . to the inside of the political arena.” This is NOT what is generally meant by cooptation. Although the core meaning of the term is that you have been incorporated into a body by appointment, often without your consent, the common understanding of the term is “To take or assume for one's own use; appropriate: co-opted the criticism by embracing it.” Or “ To neutralize or win over (an independent minority, for example) through assimilation into an established group or culture: co-opt rebels by giving them positions of authority.” (I pulled this from www.thefreedictionary.com, but this captures what sociologists and political scientists mean when they use the term)# 130-132. Cooptation leads to political fragmentation: some go into the system, others become marginalized or demobilized.Example of populism and agricultural movements around money policies (132-138). The story is about how populists themselves lost, but some of their concerns were picked up by other parties seeking to gain their votes. In the long run, mostly agribusiness policies won. Then example of labor movements (139-142) and a sketch of divisions in the labor movement between industrial and craft unions. New Deal labor laws & institutionalization as response to labor movement, then anti-union laws.His overall summary is pp 142-3. Relatively easy to get some concessions and some institutional incorporation, quite hard to win all that you want.5. Meyers, Chapter 8 “When Everybody Protests” (this is about counter-movements) After introduction about protests at political conventions and whale protests (144-150), extended summary of the two-sided ongoing conflict between pro- and anti-abortion movements, each side being a broad coalition (151-154). Then an extended sketch of the ongoing two-sided struggle around sexual orientation (154-159). Brief note p. 158-9 that the two sides are not necessarily equivalent in size or structure, but not well explained.159 ff “Social movement society”: protest is normalized, routinized. Growth in participation in demonstrative protest and growth in interest groups and professional movements. P. 161 raises possibility of cumulative disadvantage for those already disadvantaged.[[We have already discussed a lot of these issues earlier, so I am not “requiring” this at this point, but the general theoretical issues about movements and counter-movements arerelevant.]]6. * Meyers, Chapter 9, “The Policy Connection: How Movements Matter”Opens with the history of the Bonus Marchers who had influence although they did not get all that they wanted. (162-165) Then rise & fall of anti-Vietnam War movement.Consequences in welfare state and volunteer army (165-166). [[I recommend skimming these sections to see the point, but not going after all the details]] Summary of the complexity of policy and the difficulty of attributing policies to movements (166-170) [[Again, get the idea of complexity from this]] # pp 171 ff how policy affects things. (1) Can affect openness of mainstream politics, can encourage some forms of protest and discourage others; can create grievances. Protest can create new institutional actors.# How movements matter 172 ff. Movements mostly unsuccessful. But they may change who is