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UCLA LING 205 - Rosen1989NounIncorporation

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Article Contentsp. 294p. 295p. 296p. 297p. 298p. 299p. 300p. 301p. 302p. 303p. 304p. 305p. 306p. 307p. 308p. 309p. 310p. 311p. 312p. 313p. 314p. 315p. 316p. 317Issue Table of ContentsLanguage, Vol. 65, No. 2 (Jun., 1989), pp. 203-455Front MatterThe Learnability and Acquisition of the Dative Alternation in English [pp. 203 - 257]Feature Predictability and Underspecification: Palatal Prosody in Japanese Mimetics [pp. 258 - 293]Two Types of Noun Incorporation: A Lexical Analysis [pp. 294 - 317]Preverb Climbing in Hungarian [pp. 318 - 338]Clitic Doubling, Reflexives, and Word Order Alternations in Yagua [pp. 339 - 372]Reviewsuntitled [pp. 373 - 376]untitled [pp. 376 - 380]untitled [pp. 381 - 384]untitled [pp. 384 - 387]untitled [pp. 387 - 389]untitled [pp. 389 - 392]untitled [pp. 392 - 397]untitled [pp. 398 - 405]untitled [pp. 406 - 413]untitled [pp. 413 - 417]Book Noticesuntitled [p. 418]untitled [pp. 418 - 419]untitled [pp. 419 - 420]untitled [pp. 420 - 421]untitled [pp. 421 - 422]untitled [pp. 422 - 423]untitled [p. 423]untitled [pp. 423 - 424]untitled [pp. 424 - 425]untitled [pp. 425 - 426]untitled [pp. 426 - 427]untitled [pp. 427 - 428]untitled [pp. 428 - 429]untitled [pp. 429 - 430]untitled [pp. 430 - 431]untitled [pp. 431 - 432]untitled [pp. 432 - 433]untitled [p. 433]untitled [pp. 433 - 434]untitled [pp. 434 - 435]untitled [pp. 435 - 436]untitled [pp. 436 - 437]untitled [p. 437]untitled [pp. 437 - 438]untitled [pp. 438 - 439]untitled [pp. 439 - 440]untitled [pp. 440 - 441]untitled [pp. 441 - 442]untitled [pp. 442 - 443]untitled [pp. 443 - 444]untitled [p. 444]The Editor's Department [pp. 445 - 447]Publications Received [pp. 448 - 455]TWO TYPES OF NOUN INCORPORATION: A LEXICAL ANALYSIS SARA THOMAS ROSEN Brandeis University In recent work Noun Incorporation has been argued to result from head movement, in which the head of an object noun phrase moves into the verb, creating a complex verb. This paper argues instead that NI derives from word formation rules applying in the lexicon, presyntactically. On the basis of clusters of grammatical properties asso- ciated with NI, it is apparent that there are two separate word formation processes that languages may choose. In one, when a noun root combines with a verb root, the argument structure of the verb is altered such that the complex verb takes one less argument. In the other form of NI, when a noun root combines with a verb root, the argument structure of the complex verb is unaltered. It is shown that the predicted grammatical properties associated with the change or lack of change in argument structure follow.* 1. INTRODUCTION AND SKETCH OF LEXICAL ANALYSIS. Noun Incorporation (NI) is a process whereby nouns combine with verbs to produce a complex verb, as in the Onondaga sentence in Ib and the Niuean sentence in 2b. Sen- tences like Ib and 2b have nonincorporated counterparts, as illustrated in la and 2a.' * The research reported in this paper was supported in part by NSF grant IST-8420073 to Brandeis University. I wish to mention the contributions of several people to this work. Thanks go especially to Jane Grimshaw for vast amounts of help and encouragement. My appreciation extends also to Janet Benger, Joan Bresnan, Claudia Borgonovo, Don Frantz, Ken Hale, Mark Hewitt, Joan Mal- ing, Alec Marantz, Ellen Woolford, and two anonymous reviewers. A version of this paper was presented to the 1987 Seminar on Complex Predicates at MIT; I thank the members of that class for their helpful questions and comments. A list of abbreviations used throughout this paper follows: 1 first person du dual pi plural 2 second person EMPH emphasis PRED predicator 3 third person ERG ergative PRN pronoun ABS absolutive F feminine PROG progressive AGR agreement HAB habitual PUNC punctual AMB ambulative INCH inchoative Q question AOR aorist INDIC indicative REL relative APASS antipassive INST instrumental REP repetitive ART article INTR intransitive REV reversive ASP aspectual marker ITER iterative S subject ASSN assertion LOC locative sg singular CAUS causative M masculine SPEC specifier COIN coincident N neuter STAT stative COMIT comitative NEG negative SUF suffix CONT continuative NM nominalizer TNS tense DAT dative NOM nominative TRANS transitive DISLOC dislocative OBJ objective TRS translocative DIST distributive PAST past tense UNAN unanalyzed DPL duplicative PERF perfective Z zoic In order to be consistent throughout the paper, I have indicated al glottal stops with ?, nasali- zation with ', and long vowels with a colon (:). Also for consistency, and to reflect my theoretical position, all English glosses of agreement affixes are indicated by person, number, and gender (e.g. 3sgM) rather than with a pronoun (he). 294 TWO TYPES OF NOUN INCORPORATION: A LEXICAL ANALYSIS SARA THOMAS ROSEN Brandeis University In recent work Noun Incorporation has been argued to result from head movement, in which the head of an object noun phrase moves into the verb, creating a complex verb. This paper argues instead that NI derives from word formation rules applying in the lexicon, presyntactically. On the basis of clusters of grammatical properties asso- ciated with NI, it is apparent that there are two separate word formation processes that languages may choose. In one, when a noun root combines with a verb root, the argument structure of the verb is altered such that the complex verb takes one less argument. In the other form of NI, when a noun root combines with a verb root, the argument structure of the complex verb is unaltered. It is shown that the predicted grammatical properties associated with the change or lack of change in argument structure follow.* 1. INTRODUCTION AND SKETCH OF LEXICAL ANALYSIS. Noun Incorporation (NI) is a process whereby nouns combine with verbs to produce a complex verb, as in the Onondaga sentence in Ib and the Niuean sentence in 2b. Sen- tences like Ib and 2b have nonincorporated counterparts, as illustrated in la and 2a.' * The research reported in this paper was supported in part by NSF grant IST-8420073 to Brandeis University. I wish to mention the contributions of several people to this work. Thanks go especially to Jane Grimshaw for vast amounts of help and encouragement. My appreciation extends also to Janet Benger, Joan Bresnan, Claudia Borgonovo, Don Frantz, Ken Hale, Mark Hewitt, Joan Mal- ing, Alec Marantz, Ellen Woolford, and two anonymous reviewers. A version of this


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