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UConn URBN 2000 - September 10 Slides

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PowerPoint PresentationSlide 2Slide 3Slide 4Slide 5Slide 6Slide 7Slide 8Slide 9Slide 10Slide 11Slide 12Slide 13Slide 14Slide 15Slide 16Slide 17Slide 18Slide 19Slide 20Slide 21Slide 22Slide 23Slide 24Slide 25Slide 26Slide 27Slide 28Slide 29Slide 30Slide 31Slide 32Slide 33Slide 34Slide 35Slide 36Slide 37Slide 38Slide 39Engels’ Manchester: 1844Engels’ “Fieldwork” in Manchester•Engels shows how bourgeois affluence and proletarian poverty came to co-exist in the new industrial city, arising from the social and economic relations of the industrial revolution•He came to Manchester from Germany as a 24 year-old apprentice at his father’s firm, but increasingly spent his time getting involved with political groups and exploring the city by foot, often with his Irish girlfriend and guide, Mary Burns. •He visited parts of the city that no one of his class would normally visit. It’s unlikely that anyone among the groups he spoke of would have the time or literacy to write such an account.Engels’ Fieldwork in Manchester (continued)•Rather than devoting his time to typical bourgeois activities, he devoted his time to visiting working class people and observing their everyday lives: he was part researcher, part journalist, part revolutionary. •In addition to his own personal observations (his acquaintance with the city), he also relied on data from public health reports, parliamentary commissions, and factory inspectors’ reports (knowledge of the city).• His main and most important observations were not on the nature of capitalism itself, but on how the separation of the rich and the poor had built class exploitation into the spatial form of the city.Engels’ Fieldwork in Manchester (continued)•The cities and slums that had co-produced one another, to Engels, exemplified the central contradictions of capitalist industrialization and urbanization. •Engels called the separation of the classes, as well as the willful blindness of the wealthy toward the plight of working class people, the city’s ‘hypocritical plan.’ While there was no formal urban planning at the time, he gave evidence that this was anything but an accidental arrangement.Slums as a Worldwide Phenomenon of the Industrial City: New York at the Turn of theCenturyJacob Riis (1890): How the Other Half LivesSlum Clearancein Manchester: 1930s-1970sNew Housing for the Working ClassesManchester TodayManchester’s “Riots” of 2011Rosemary Mellor: Revisiting Engels 150 Years Later•Mellor emphasizes that a number of reforms were made to housing regulations since the turn of the 20th Century, but that Engels’ critiques still hold a great deal of explanatory power.•The city center, which had for decades fallen into disrepair, has been revamped and thousands of well-off people have moved there. The city has overwhelmingly focused its attention on redeveloping this- the most visible area of the city•In the meantime, the area surrounding the city center-roughly the same area described by Engels- contains many of the poorest districts in Great Britain.Rosemary Mellor: Continued•Mellor notes the retreat of the state from attempting to alleviate poverty and build more appropriate housing for the working classes.•The income gap has been rising since the late 1970s, like in the United States. At the same time, in terms of shifting political agendas, focus has been placed on private enterprise as an economic generator. Social welfare has received less attention, with an expectation that wealth and opportunities will “trickle down.” Or in this case, out the the urban peripheries. •Overall, Mellor argues that policies since the 1980s have served to exclude the poor, both economically and


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UConn URBN 2000 - September 10 Slides

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