Maquila Age Maya:Changing Households and Communities ofthe Central Highlands of GuatemalaPredictions in the 1950s forewarned of the end of traditional industriesby the conclusion of the twentieth century. Automation and a large array ofrobots \\ ould replace a tired working class, w hich would become more spe-cialized managers, designers, or analysts in the computer age (Sklair 1989:Holmstrom 1984). Klass (1978) predicted that with the advent of automa-tion, w orkers would be replaced by machines and that fewer trained workerswould be required for production. But such predictions ignored the way ofthe world economy, the internationalization of production, and the move-ment of products, labor, and capital. The new global trend of capital expan-sion not only relies on automation but also on the cheapening of productionby means of laborinteasive strategies.The maquila age.or assembly typeproduction, is akey example ofthis productivestyle. It counts onllexibikt\. The pro-cess of produc-tion is not onlycompartmental-ized, but it also isdistributed aroundthe world in smallcomponents, tak-ing advantage ofw hat every placeAbstractAs rural peoples of Central America and be-yond struggle to create and access new forms ofmarket [anticipation and means of surv ival underthe conditions generated by structural adjustmentpolicies, significant social and cultural si lifts are tak-ing place at the local le\ el.This paper analyzes on tliree levels the impactof maquiladora industries: the region and commu-nities, sending households, and indi\ iduals. In par-ticular, I address the implications of migration dndurbanization tor the new communities, the com-plex nature of diversified households, and attitudestow arcl industrial and agricultural work. I concludew ith a discussion about the implications of thesefindings for transitions to proletarianization.ii ,'•,.,.••..,•....•/.,•,•,•,'. i<... i : ;*I: vrigl I I SKI1.American30 I he Journal of Latin American AnthropologyLiliana R. GoldinThe University at AlbanyState University of New Yorkon the planet has to offer: cheap labor, low tariffs, a mass of wanting youngmen and w omen—especially young and especially women. Managers are re-cruited from remote sites, often in the semi periphery of the world economy.The employers may represent international capital or the national bourgeoisie.Not only are producers separated from the product of their labor by a pro-duction line, but prcxlueers may never be able to consume the product theyhelp to produce. Production and consumption are now truly worlds apart."In the 1980s. Guatemala joined several other Latin American and Asiancountries as an attractive site for maquiladora industries. Maquiladoras arefactories thatspecialize in thefinishing stagesof the produc-tion of diversemerchandise,such as gannentsand electronicparts. These fi-nal stages are of-ten labor inten-sive and requirelow level trainingand skills. Theyinclude the as-sembly of previ-ously designedand cut parts,and the packingKcsumenMientras las poblaciones rurales de Centroamericaluchan por crear y tener acceso a nuevas formas departicipacion en el mercado y nuevos medios de \ idabajo las condiciones generadas por politicas de ajusteestructural, se estan dando cambios socioculturalesimportantes a nivel local.Este trabajo analiza el impacto que las industriasmaquiladoras tienen en tres niveles: la region y suscomunidades, los hogares que proveen trabajadores,y los individuos. Se discuten en particular lasimplicaciones de la migration y urbanization de laregion en las comunidades, la naturaleza compleja delos hogares diversificados, y las actitudes hacia el trabajoindustrial y agricola. Concluyo con una discvision delas coasecuencias que estos liallazgos pueden tener parala transition hacia la proletarianization laboral.Maquila Age Ma\ a 3 1of the finished prcxluct. The earlier, more sophisticated stages which requirehigher technologies and skills take place in developed countries such as theUnited States, Japan, or Korea. The finished products are returned to theoriginating countries without paying export fees. Mexico, El Salvador, CostaRica, Colombia, Philippines, Dominican Republic, and Guatemala, amongothers, offer investors tariff free zones with an abundant labor force willingto work for extremely low wages and often in conditions that would beunacceptable or illegal for the workers of developed countries (cf. Ong 1987;Safa 1983; Fernandez-Kelly 1983a,1983b; Nash 1983).As the factories settle in various areas of the capital region and surround-ing highlands, they are profoundly affecting the lives of workers, potentialworkers, and communities which are disrupted by the daily influx and morepermanent migration of young women and men. Studies of the maquiladoraindustry have described the conditions in the factories and documented ex-ploitative forms of labor, sexual abuse of female workers, poor environ-mental conditions, poor hygiene, limited breaks, and dangerous spatial ar-rangements—including lack of sufficient air and fire exits. However, studieshave not yet paid sufficient attention to the disruption and restructuring ofthe sending households and local communities located on or near maquilasites, and, in particular, to the impact that the new labor form has on agriculture.In addition, more attention needs to be given to local perceptions of indus-trial and agricultural labor forms. As peasant peoples of Central America andbeyond struggle to create and access new forms of market participation andmeans of survival under the conditions generated by structural adjustmentpolicies, significant social and cultural shifts are taking place at the local level.This paper addresses the impact of maquiladora industries on the re-gion, households, and individuals. Following a description of the recent his-tory of maquilas in Guatemala and a presentation of the region and researchmethods, the paper is organized in three main sections that correspond to thethree levels. I begin by delineating the broad level regional effects related toindustrial development in Guatemala. These include the creation of new migra-tion paths that range from the Pacific and northern lowlands to the central high-lands, and the various social and cultural trends, which are linked to an in-crease in violence, inter-ethnic relations, and changes in marriage forms associatedwith the urbanization of rural areas. Section II moves from the regional levelto the